Colossians 3
Christianity & Politics Part 2
by Gary DeLashmutt
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Introduction
Remind of last week's irony concerning democracy: On the one hand, a
biblical world-view has influenced civil government by creating democracy.
On the other hand, this development creates greater ambiguity for Christians
living in democratic countries, because scripture gives us no specific
directions or examples on how involved in the political process we should
be.
Allow me to illustrate this ambiguity by tell you a story. Imagine this
situation.
After so many decades of struggle, the day has finally arrived. The
legislation which abolishes this horrible inhumanity is finally being
enacted as the law of the land. Among the Christians who have labored
so long for this day, there is both joy and deep-seated satisfaction.
They reflect on the day their consciences were first sensitized to this
terrible evil which turned human beings into legal non-entities by legislative
sleight of hand. They remember their struggles to mobilize their fellow
Christians to abolish this practice--and how many of them declined,
criticizing them as political radicals. They remember the years of prayer
and protest and lobbying and voting--and how agonizingly slow the progress
was. They remember the enmity of many non-Christians whose social and
economic lives were threatened by their crusade. They know their cause
has polarized society. They take no joy in this--but rather in the thousands
of human beings who will now be protected by the law instead of being
sacrificed by it. They look forward to meeting people who will be rescued
because they persevered in spite of such overwhelming opposition. Truly,
they have won a great victory with the help of their Lord!
If you thought I was describing the banning of abortion, there are
probably different opinions about it: some who are pro-choice, some
who are pro-life and support the present pro-life movement, and some
(like myself) who are pro-life but have serious concerns about the
movement.
But I was not describing the pro-life movement. Rather, I was reading
a description of the abolition of the Slave Trade in Great Britain
in 1807 (and the emancipation of and remuneration to existing slaves
in 1833). This was the culmination of William Wilberforce's political
leadership over more than fifty years. It was undoubtedly the greatest
humanitarian fruit and the most enduring social legacy of the evangelical
revival of the 18th and 19th centuries.
Many of us (myself included) refer to this event to defend Christianity
against the charge that it is responsible for oppression. But how
can I cite Wilberforce's political work without also actively supporting
the pro-life political movement? Is this just lazy hypocrisy--or are
there other differences that account for this ambivalence?
I can promise you one thing that will not happen this morning. I will
not clear up all these ambiguities. But I think I can provide you with
a biblical framework for political involvement in a democratic country.
3 positions on Christian involvement in the political process
Christians should focus primarily on political change.
EXAMPLES:
This has often been the position of churches that have departed from
a high view of scripture (liberal and liberation theology). One such
bishop declares: "The mission of the church is to build the kingdom
of God on earth, and the means of this mission is politics."
More recently, some segments of the evangelical church have moved
in this direction, though with a very different agenda (Christian
Coalition; Reconstructionists). Many in this camp have insisted that
America is a Christian nation that should have a Christian government:
"If righteousness is going to prevail, if paganism is going to
be turned back, then we must move to restore this nation to being
a Christian nation. Otherwise we will lose the war for America's
soul, and the United States as we know it will perish. And if we
are going to reform and rebuild our country, we're going to have to
deliberately infiltrate the (political) power bases of America."
PROBLEMS:
It takes the focus off of the good news which is for everyone, and
turns Christianity into a partisan political issue.
It often (not always) leads to embracing some form of government
(Marxism with Liberation Theology; Theonomy with Reconstructionists)
that ignores New Testament emphasis on separation of church and state.
Christians should not be involved at all. Christians should focus
entirely on fulfilling the Great Commission through evangelism, discipleship,
missions, and perhaps social service. Civil government is part of Satan's
world-system. Richard Langer calls this position "political asceticism."
EXAMPLES: This is the historic position of groups like the Amish and
the Quakers. It is also the de facto position of many people
in Xenos who say "If we just focus on evangelism and discipleship,
social change will take care of itself."
PROBLEMS WITH THIS VIEW:
People who hold this position usually base it on the example of Jesus
and the apostles, who were uninvolved politically--even concerning
obvious social justice issues like slavery. But the fact that Jesus
and the apostles were uninvolved politically does not necessarily
prove that we should not be. They lived under a totalitarian rather
than a democratic government, which severely limited their options.
Nevertheless, their example and teaching laid a foundation for social
and political action, and many subsequent Christian movements are
legitimate extrapolations of their teaching and example.
It is simply not true that "Society will automatically change
if the church is effective in evangelism and discipleship."
Individual evil is weakened as individuals come to Christ, but structural
evil (like the Slave Trade) requires intentional attention that sometimes
must include political and legislative action.
Christians should focus primarily on fulfilling the Great Commission--but
with measured, strategic involvement in the political process as the situation
permits. This seems to be the most balanced and biblical position.
EXAMPLES: Chuck Colson; John Stott (books to be listed at end)
The main way we represent Christ (and impact society) is through
proclaiming and living out the good news.
STOTT: "Evangelism is the major instrument of social change,
for the gospel changes people, and changed people can change society . . . (Therefore)
evangelism takes primacy over social action."
COLSON: "Politics is not the church's first calling. Evangelism, . . . providing
discipleship, fellowship, teaching the Word . . . are
the heartbeat of the church. When it addresses political issues,
the church must not do so at the risk of weakening its primary mission."
We also represent Christ by doing good for society, which involves
pursuing social justice through appropriate political means.
STOTT: " All individual Christians should be politically active
in the sense that, as conscientious citizens, they will vote in
elections, inform themselves about contemporary issues, share in
the public debate, and perhaps write to a newspaper, lobby their
member of parliament or take part in a demonstration. Further,
some individuals are called by God to give their lives to political
service, in either local or national government."
COLSON: "On an individual level, political involvement for
the Christian entails not only voting and other basic responsibilities
of citizenship, but dealing directly with political issues, particularly
where justice and human dignity are at stake."
"But . . . others are called to make a
Christian witness from positions within government itself. After
all, as men like (Wilberforce and Shaftesbury) illustrate, Christians
who are politicians can bear a biblical witness on political structures,
just as they do in medicine, law, business, labor, education, the
arts, or any other walk of life . . . They exhibit
this in their moral witness and their willingness to stand up for
unpopular causes, even if such causes benefit society more than
their own political careers."
BIBLICAL SUPPORT:
If Christians are to be involved as salt and light in the other social
structures God has established (family and market-place), why should
we not also be involved in this social structure? As citizens of our
nation-state, we have the same civic duties as every other citizen:
to serve on juries, to pay taxes, to vote, to support candidates they
think are best qualified, etc. If we agree that Christians may be
involved as policemen or soldiers or judges, why should some not be
involved as elected officials?
There are examples of Christians in the New Testament who were involved
in government. "Caesar's household" (Phil. 4:22) may
refer to converted civil servants. "Erastus the chamberlain"
(Rom. 16:23) was probably a city treasurer in Corinth. Joseph
of Arimathea and Nicodemus were on the Sanhedrin.
There are also historical examples that we appeal to as part of our
apologetic that Christianity is humane and liberating (Wilberforce;
Shaftesbury). To do this without acknowledging that it has a place
in our present situation is hypocritical.
Key guidelines for personal political involvement
Work for the well-being of all people and not just those of our own
group. This is what pursuing "social justice" means--pursuing
what is good and right for all people. Following Jesus' example (Mk. 10:40-45),
we should use our power to serve--especially those who are powerless (poor
and oppressed). Social justice also includes defending the rights of those
with whom we disagree, like condemning the harassment of homosexuals and
abortion doctors.
STOTT'S DEFINITION OF POLITICAL ACTION: "Love seeking justice
for the oppressed."
MYERS: "If public protest gives the impression that Christians
are principally concerned about power and their own standing in society
and in the political order, it will become that much more difficult
to take thoughts captive to Christ."
CROMARTIE: "(Evangelicals) urgently need to develop a public language,
philosophy, and posture that shows our loving concern for the common
good of all, and not just the . . . good of fellow
believers. (55)
STEPHEN MONSMA: "(Christians should be known) not as moral
busybodies who are seeking to foist their morals onto all of society
by the force of law, but as those who have a passion for justice, as
those who respect all persons as unique image-bearers of God and who
therefore seek to treat them with justice."
DON EBERLY: "If the Christian faith becomes just another organized
interest group--determined to take over political parties and drive
through its own narrowly defined legislative agenda--neither its political
power nor its spiritual influence will grow. If, however, (Christians)
are committed to a holistic social and moral vision for America--one
that offers real solutions to the lack of honesty and integrity in politics,
seeks to serve the common good of all humankind by offering sound ideas
across a spectrum of concerns, and promotes practical ideas for strengthening
homes, rebuilding schools, and restoring neighborhoods--then it could
offer the leadership a society needs and wants."
Rely on respectful discourse and persuasion rather than nasty rhetoric,
dogmatic biblical pronouncements, and illegal protests. See Rom. 12:17,18;
1 Cor. 4:12,13.
SEEL: "Evangelicals have long lost their monopoly status in American
society, so that moral leadership demands persuasion before legislation.
The culture we face is more like that of first-century Rome than that
or nineteenth-century America. But unlike the early Christians, many
American evangelicals are unwilling to pay the price that persuasion
requires in a competitive and often hostile world of ideas and beliefs.
Frequently, evangelicals have looked like Confederates at the end of
the Civil War, longing for a Dixieland of the imagination and trying
to exchange a cultural capital that has decreasing value . . . Does
the 'we versus they' language, the Satanizing of nonbelievers in spiritual
warfare novels, or the vilifying of pro-choice opponents model Jesus? . . . (This
attitude) blinds us to other people; it destroys our love for those
with whom we disagree. We instead become tribal in outlook, judgmental
in tone, and coercive in style."
COLSON: "Christians have not done a particularly good job at this
task (i.e., political involvement). Often they have terrified their
secular neighbors, who see Christian political activists as either backwoods
bigots or religious ayatollahs attempting to assault them with Bible
verses or religious magisteriums. In a pluralistic society it is not
only wrong but unwise for Christians to shake their Bibles and arrogantly
assert that 'God says . . . ' That is the quickest
way for Christians, a distinct minority in civil affairs, to lose their
case altogether. Instead, positions should be argued on their merits.
If the case is sound, a majority can be persuaded; that's the way democracies
and free nations are supposed to work."
COLSON: " . . . there are legal means available
to express political opposition: we can picket, petition, vote, organize,
advertise, or pressure political officials. Is it right to abandon
our respect for the rule of law, the foundation of public order, simply
to make statements that could be made legally in other forums? . . . In
our day, breaking laws to make a dramatic point is the ultimate logic
of terrorism, not civil disobedience."
BUMPER STICKERS: What are you really accomplishing by having one that
says "Ban partial birth abortions?" This is more like animals
shrieking at one another than human beings reasoning with one another.
It is a very poor substitute for civil discourse, and instead contributes
to needless hostility and social polarization.
Be realistic about social policy rather than succumbing to eclectic
idealism.
"Eclectic idealism" refers to how one Richard Langer describes
most American evangelicals' view of what government should do. It is
eclectic in that it focuses on one or two moral issues (like prohibition
or abortion), and it is idealism in that it expects government to enforce
God's righteousness in these areas.
But in the one civil law that God created (Old Testament civil law),
God made a comprehensive social policy. And because of his realism
about human's fallen condition, his laws often focused on regulating
the "bad" so that it didn't become "ugly" rather
than enforcing the "good" (e.g., divorce).
How does this apply to our political involvement today? Consider legislation
on sex education. " . . . our present attitude
toward teen-age sexuality has also failed to distinguish between the
good, the bad, and the ugly. I would argue that abstinence is the good,
teen-age sexuality activity is the bad, and teen-age pregnancy and sexually
transmitted diseases are the ugly . . . Recently,
several programs have been tested which explicitly seek to reduce or
delay first coitus, promote better communication with parents, and train
students in the skill of saying no . . . (These
programs) seem to be more effective than abstinence only programs which
have been tested to-date. Interestingly enough, they have been universally
opposed by evangelicalism. Why? Because they include in the program
education about condom usage. Evangelicals, equating the bad with the
ugly, see no (value) in such programs, claiming that the 'both/and'
message is confusing and misleading. It does not seem to matter if
the programs can delay sexual activity and increase safer sex behaviors.
They include a message which is opposed to God's moral will and therefore
they cannot be good social policy. I think this is a serious mistake."
Support candidates based on political competence and concern for social
justice rather than because of their religious confession, their party
affiliation, or their position on one issue.
LUTHER: "I'd rather be ruled by a competent Turk than an incompetent
Christian."
BOICE: "A Christian does not have to vote for the 'Christian'
candidate if a choice is offered. Moreover, if we think that we have
to vote only for Christian candidates, we subject ourselves to base
manipulation by whatever candidate is willing to use the proper evangelical
terms when speaking to us."
Preserve spiritual unity with fellow Christians by respecting diversity
of political opinion and involvement.
Political issues are usually super-complex, so we need to have humility.
For a variety of reasons, God will lead sincere Christians into different
levels of political involvement. As with other areas of ministry, we
should resist the tendency to judge others as unspiritual unless they
are as involved in this area as we are.
Church leaders should be careful in the way they wield political influence.
EIDSMORE: "The (pastor's primary) role is to teach the principles
of the Word God as they apply to politics and every other field of life.
It is then the responsibility of individual Christians within the church
to take those principles and apply them to concrete situations in society."
COLSON: "While I believe an open pulpit endorsement of a candidate
is improper, I also feel that--if made responsibly from the right motivations--a
cleric's statement that Christians should not support candidates who
reject basic human rights is justified."
Two models for political influence
What about the scenario I presented at the beginning of this teaching?
Are there differences between the abolition of the slave trade and the
pro-life campaign that justify responding positively to the former and
negatively or ambivalently to the latter? I think there are, and that
these differences provide us with two different models for Christians'
involvement in the political process in democratic countries.
MODEL #1: THE SOCIAL REFORMS OF 19TH CENTURY ENGLAND - The
legislative culmination of a 100-year spiritual movement
Grass-roots evangelism and discipleship of thousands of people (Wesleyan
movement).
Over time, these converts' salt and light (including their example
in social service) permeated the society and sensitized the culture's
conscience on key social justice issues. This occurred to the point
that a majority of the common people became opposed to the slave trade,
while the main proponents were wealthy aristocrats who were profiting
financially from it.
In this context, God raised up gifted and competent politicians who
worked to enact these key social justice issues into legislation.
MODEL #2: THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT OF THE 1980'S - The legislative replacement
for a spiritual movement
Ineffective in grass-roots evangelism and discipleship.
Shrill rhetoric and polarizing tactics that needlessly alienates people
from Christianity. No real change in Americans' view on abortion.
The result: focus on imposing a moral agenda on an unconvinced public.
Conclusion
I know these two teachings haven't addressed all the important and complex
issues in this area. My goal has been to start to fill in what I think
has been a "blind spot" in our church, which makes us more vulnerable
to unbalanced and extreme perspectives on this area.
For Further Reading:
James M. Boice, Two Cities, Two Loves (Downers Grove: InterVarsity
Press, 1996)
Charles W. Colson, Kingdoms in Conflict (William Morrow &
Zondervan Publishing House, 1987)
Stott, John R. W., Involvement: Being a Responsible Christian in a
Non-Christian Society (Old Tappan, New Jersey: Fleming H. Revell Company:
1984)
Footnotes
Cited in Charles Colson, Kingdoms in Conflict (William Morrow
& Zondervan Publishing House, 1987), p. 117.
Randall Terry, cited in James Montgomery Boice, Two Cities, Two Loves
(Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1996), p. 139.
"The political ascetic views the church as separate from human
society. The evils of human society are not the church's concern because
human society is fundamentally unredeemable--except by individual conversion.
God's Word gives God's law to God's people. None of this has anything
to do with the laws of the land. At best secular government leaves
the church peacefully alone as the two pursue fundamentally unrelated
goals." Richard Langer, "The Bible and the Good Society"
(Paper presented at the National Evangelical Consultation on Bioethics,
1994), p. 1.
"It is no good saying that Jesus and his apostles were not interested
in politics, and that they neither required nor even commended political
action, let alone engaged in it themselves. It is true. They did not.
But we have to remember that they were a tiny, insignificant minority
under the totalitarian regime of Rome. The legions were everywhere,
and were under orders to suppress dissent, crush opposition and preserve
the status quo. The first century Christians could not take
political action; is this the reason why they did not? At least
the fact that they did not because they could not is no reason why we
should not--if we can.
The question is: Would they have been politically active if they had
the opportunity to be and the likelihood of success? I believe they
would. For without appropriate political action some social needs simply
cannot be met. The apostles did not demand the abolition of slavery.
But are we not glad and proud that nineteenth-century Christians did?
Their campaign was based on biblical teaching regarding human dignity,
and was a legitimate extrapolation from it. The apostles did not build
hospitals either, or require them to be built, but Christian hospitals
are a legitimate extrapolation from Jesus' compassionate concern for
the sick. Just so, political action (which is love seeking justice
for the oppressed) is a legitimate extrapolation from the teaching and
ministry of Jesus." Stott, John R. W., Involvement: Being a
Responsible Christian in a Non-Christian Society (Old Tappan, New
Jersey: Fleming H. Revell Company: 1984), p. 90.
Stott, John R. W., Involvement: Being a Responsible Christian in
a Non-Christian Society, pp. 104,105.
Charles Colson, Kingdoms in Conflict, p. 290.
Stott, John R. W., Involvement: Being a Responsible Christian in
a Non-Christian Society, p, 34.
Charles Colson, Kingdoms in Conflict, p. 280.
Charles Colson, Kingdoms in Conflict, p. 281.
Keneneth A. Myers, "A Better Way: Proclamation Instead of Protest,"
in Power Religion, Michael S. Horton, ed. (Chicago: Moody Press,
1992), p. 47.
Michael Cromartie, Up to Our Steeples in Politics, No
God But God, Os Guinness and John Seel, editors (Chicago: Moody
Press, 1992), p. 55.
Quoting Stephen Monsma, Charles Colson, Kingdoms in Conflict,
p. 281.
Cited in James Montgomery Boice, Two Cities, Two Loves (Downers
Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1996), p. 161.
John Seel, Nostalgia for a Lost Empire, No God But God,
Os Guinness and John Seel, editors, pp. 72,73.
Charles Colson, Kingdoms in Conflict, p. 291.
Charles Colson, Kingdoms in Conflict, p. 250.
Richard Langer, "The Bible and the Good Society," a paper
presented to the National Evangelical Consultation on Bioethics (1994),
p. 10.
Quoted in Charles W. Colson, "The Power Illusion," in Power
Religion, Michael S. Horton, ed. (Chicago: Moody Press, 1992), p. 33.
James Montgomery Boice, Two Cities, Two Loves, pp. 234,235.
John Eidsmore, God & Caesar: Christian Faith & Political
Action (Westchester, Illinois: Crossway Books, 1984), p. 59.
Charles Colson, Kingdoms in Conflict, p. 291.
"It is inconceivable that (Wilberforce's) work could have been
accomplished without a broad base of popular sentiment supplied by conversions
and awakening throughout the English churches." Richard F. Lovelace,
Dynamics of Spiritual Life (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press,
1979), p. 371.
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