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1Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction to Philip Jakob Spener's `Pia Desideria': A Study in Early German Pietism with Appendix. Volume 2: Translation of the `Pia Desideria', PhD. Dissertation, Princeton University, (Ann Arbor, Mi.: University Microfilms, Inc. 1963), p. 155.
2Three of Spener's sisters married pastors, and one of his four brothers also became a pastor, certainly indicating a strong religious environment. Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 86.
3The thirty years war ended with the treaty of Westphalia in 1648. "There is no more striking example of the confusion of religious and political interests. . .when freedom of conscience and worship was proclaimed, it was . . .for the princes, not for their subjects." All the subjects within a given province had to be of one confession. Provinces throughout Europe were designated either Lutheran, Calvinist, or Roman Catholic. Other groups (such as Anabaptists, Quakers, and Mennonites) were outlawed everywhere. H. Daniel-Rops, The Church in the Seventeenth Century, J. J. Buckingham trans. (London: J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1963), pp. 136, 149.
4Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965), p. 181.
5For example, see Giorgio Tourn, The Waldensians: The First 800 Years (1174-1974), Translated from the Italian by Camillo P. Merlino, Charles W. Arbuthnot, Editor (Torino, Italy: Claudiana Editrice, 1980), p. 36, 46 52 63, 64, 65 88-91.
6Of course there was also a long tradition of church-state fusion, which led few to question this relationship. See Brian Tierney, The Crisis of Church & State: 1050-1300, (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc. 1964), for clear commentary and source readings on this subject.
7Theodore G. Tappert, Introduction to Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1964) p. 3.
8Theodore G. Tappert, Introduction to Pia Desideria, p. 7.
9". . .the jurist Carpzov boasted in 1666 that he alone had passed the death sentence upon 20,000 people, mostly witches." Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 182.
10Stoeffler comments that, "The apologetical and homiletical thunder directed against Reformed and Philippist alike was such as should have been reserved for the devil." Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 184.
11Theodore G. Tappert, "Introduction to Pia Desideria", p. 7 He also comments that, "Independent exegesis of the Scriptures had little place in the curriculum at a time when it was assumed that the contents of the Scriptures were adequately expressed in the Confession." p. 6.
12"The preachers did a great deal of preaching, but Sermons were so long winded and dry that in some places Kirchenwecker [church awakeners, who would crack or jab those who slept in church with a stick] were employed to keep people from sleeping." Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 186.
13Theodore G. Tappert, "Introduction to Pia Desideria", p. 4-5.
14Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 181.
15Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965), p. 17,18.
16M. A. Noll, "Pietism" in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Elwell, Walter A. ed., (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1984) p. 857.
17Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 87. Spener himself maintains that this lady was a profound influence in his early life in his "Selbstbiographie" (Autobiography).
18Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 89.90.
19Agreeing with Aland, Deeter says, "Dannhauer is important above all others in direct intellectual and theological influence on Spener." Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 117. He also points out that one of Dannhauer's pet projects which never came to realization was the founding of a seminary for teaching foreign languages to prepare missionaries for assignments. May this not have been in the background of Spener's thinking during the founding of Halle with its missionary thrust?
20Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 97. He did remain, however, a life-long friend of Liebniz, often corresponding with him.
21Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 229.
22Kurt Aland, Spener Studien, p. 57,58. Cited in Theodore G. Tappert, "Introduction to Pia Desideria", p. 18.
23Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 36.
24Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 43.
25It is relatively easy to demonstrate that Spener's use of the word "reason" should usually be taken in the sense of "autonomous reason." This is evident from the fact that at the same time that he resists reading the Scriptures with the use of reason, he prescribes standard hermeneutical rules for the proper interpretation of passages. For example, "Every person reading the Scriptures must first pay attention how the verses fit together and then pay attention to each individual word. Various parts of the Scripture must be compared with one another. . .not too much typological or allegorical understanding. . . One must be particularly careful not to allow reason to rule where faith ought to." Philip Jacob Spener, "On the Necessary and Useful Reading of the Holy Scriptures," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, (New York: Paulist Pres, 1983), p. 75.
26Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 56.
27He even goes so far as to propose the solution of the book of Acts--a community of goods. Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 37.
28He considers this bad enough to cause loss of salvation in the perpetrator. "For Godly faith cannot exist without the Holy Spirit, and the Holy Spirit cannot exist along side of premeditated and prevailing sins." Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 41.Pp
29Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 42.
30Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 58.
31Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 58.
32Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 59.
33Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 68.
34Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II pp. 66,67.
35Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 74.
36Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II pp. 75,76.
37Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 80.
38Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 79-80.
39Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 80. Quoting from John Arndt's True Christianity.
40Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 103,104.
41Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. pp. 107,108.
42Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 109,110.
43Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. pp. 110-112. He also warns that "such little books, to which something of the darkness of their age still clings, can and may easily be esteemed too highly. . ." p. 112.
44Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. pp. 115-117.
45Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 101.
46"In evaluating Spener and his work it has been customary to emphasize that he was primarily a reformer of Christian life, not a reformer of Christian thought, that his proper place is in the history of Christian piety rather than in the history of Christian doctrine." Theodore G. Tappert, "Introduction to Pia Desideria", p. 24-25.
47". . .with Spener the reform party within seventeenth century Lutheranism had moved from sincere but indiscriminate criticism to a plan of action." Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 235.
48L. Berkhof, Systematic Theology, (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1941) p. 560.
49L. Berkhof, Systematic Theology, p. 627. Also Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther, (Nashville: Abingdon, 1950) p. 207.
50Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. find conflict between infant. baptism.
51Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 40.
52Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 49.
53Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 50. In this verdict, Spener was in agreement with Lutheran interpretation of the day.
54Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 48.
55Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 82.
56Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 44.
57Philip Jacob Spener, "The Spiritual Priesthood," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, (New York: Paulist Pres, 1983) p. 54. Spener's citation of Heb. 5:4 seems especially strange, since he had just rejected the Old Testament concept of priest as applying to the church. See questions #24 and #5 where he affirms that new birth is the sole criteria for priesthood.
58Philip Jacob Spener, "The Spiritual Priesthood," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 63.
59Philip Jacob Spener, "The Spiritual Priesthood," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 54,55.
60"Whence do simple pious Christians receive the understanding of the Scriptures? From the enlightenment of the Holy Spirit. . .(2 Pet. 1:21; 1 Cor. 2:12)" Philip Jacob Spener, "The Spiritual Priesthood," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 56.
61Philip Jacob Spener, "The Spiritual Priesthood," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 56.
62Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 72.
63Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 72
64Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 72. See also, p. 73, "all christians are called to spiritual offices, even though not to the public performance of the duties of these offices, which belong to the ordained members of these same rightly ordered congregations," (emphasis mine).
65This distinction also arose in connection with the teaching activity of women. In Philip Jacob Spener, "The Spiritual Priesthood," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 62, we read, "But are women not forbidden to teach? Yes, namely in the public congregation. But that it is permitted to them outside of the public congregation is clear from the passages and apostolic examples cited (I Cor. 14:34; I Tim. 2:11,12)." This he could argue with more plausibility from the scriptures cited. However he makes no effort to harmonize I Cor. 14:34 with I Cor. 11:5 which must refer to public prayer and prophecy in context.
66Francke (Spener's disciple) even more strongly rejected the distinction between clergy and laity "`What horrid Mischief this wicked distinction is the cause of.. . .' Both of these leaders, however, avoided a Quaker stance and maintained a functional distinction between clergy and laity." Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 57.
67Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II pp. 73-74.
68Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, pp. 21-22.
69Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 63. Brown says, "Spener and Francke defended infant baptism with all of the traditional arguments, In this they held to the objective efficacy of the sacrament." Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1978) p. 48.
70Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 63.
71"Opus Operatum is a term used by Roman Catholics with reference to the sacraments to express their doctrine that the Sacraments confer grace by the `working of the worker' (opere operato) that is, by the performance of the outward sacramental act, apart from the spiritual condition of the recipient (opere operantis). The Council of Trent states plainly: `If any one saith that by the said Sacraments of the New Law grace is not conferred through the act performed (ex opere operato), but that faith alone in the divine promise suffices for the obtaining of grace, let him be accursed.' (Sess. VII, can. 8.)" The Lutheran Cyclopedia, Erwin L. Leweker ed. (St. Louis: Concordia Press, 1954). pp. 762,763.
72Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 65.
73Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 66.
74Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 67.
75Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 67.
76He complains that since there are such problems in the nobility and the clergy, "which ought to govern the masses and lead them to godliness, it is easy to guess how things are in the third estate." Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 57, see also the crux of the argument in pp. 103-115.
77Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 37.
78Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 69.
79So, Stoeffler, "Even if Lutheranism had developed a concept of church discipline such as Calvinism, which it did not, effective discipline would have been difficult under these conditions." Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 185.
80"Francke shared with Spener the conviction that the elders of each congregation should join the pastor in disciplining the congregation, a practice which they admired in Calvinistic churches." Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 59.
81Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. pp. 60-61.
82Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Theodore G. Tappert, trans. p. 47. Valentine Weigel was a mystical author and Lutheran pastor who turned out to be a theosophist when his private works were published posthumously. He was therefore completely discredited in the minds of orthodox Lutherans, and his name was a synonym for mystical heresy.
Quakers were likewise a symbol of religious extremism in Germany at this time. They were widely believed to be guilty of "enthusiasm" which means that they thought God was speaking directly to them.
83Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 2.
84So, Harnack cited in Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 44.
85Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 6.
86Gerson, De mystica theologia speculativa, cited in Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent: Religious Ideology and Social Protest in the Sixteenth Century, (New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, 1973), p. 4,8.
87Cited in Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, p. 10.
88Justo L. Gonzalez, The History of Christianity, Vol. 1, (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc., 1984) p. 146.
89Heresy and Authority in Medieval Europe, Documents in Translation. Edited, with an Introduction, by Edward Peters. (University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1980) pp. 8,9.
90Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, pp. 1, 2.
91It is also possible that individuals who feel resistant to visible authority gravitate toward a mystical perspective. Of course, both of these possibilities could be true at once. Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, p. 12. Ozment also comments that ". . .anti-intellectual and anti-institutional stances are more apparent features of German mysticism," than of any other type. p. 11.
92Edward Peters, Heresy and Authority in Medieval Europe, p. 9.
93For instance he argues that Tauler Kempis and German Theology should be introduced into seminary to a greater degree in Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 93,94. Spener believed that he was following the lead of Luther in this position. On the strong impact of the mystics on Luther's theology see Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 191,192 However, stoeffler reminds us that Luther "progressively grew away from mysticism. . . " p. 192.
94Philip Jacob Spener, "On Hindrances to Theological Studies," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, pp. 67,68.
95Philip Jacob Spener, "On Hindrances to Theological Studies," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 70.
96Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 202. Later he adds, "Arndt's relation to Lutheran Pietism is to be found in the fact that he initiated it.. . .This is the light in which Spener always regarded him." p. 211. He claims that the main reason Arndt is not recognized as the father of Lutheran Pietism is the fact that he did not start conventicles. p. 203.
97Cited in Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 266.
98Philip Jacob Spener, "Meditation on the Suffering of Christ," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 76-78
99Philip Jacob Spener, "Meditation on the Sufferings of Christ," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 78.
100Heiko A. Oberman, Introduction to Johann Arndt, True Christianity, Peter C. Erb, trans., (New York: Paulist Press, 1983), p. xvii.
101Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 209. Stoffer agrees that Arndt's emphasis in not on attaining union. He adds that Arndt's message was, "Christians are to grow, he insisted ever again, `in faith and in a virtuous life' until they reach the stature of a perfect man in Christ." Dale R. Stoffer, "The Ecclesiology of Gottfried Arnold." in Brethren Life and Thought. Vol. 28, (Spring 1983) p. 138.
102Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 210.
103Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), PhD. Dissertation, Boston University Graduate School, (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1955) p. 53. He also points out that "Ritschl scents a departure from Lutheranism in his [Arndt's] adoption of medieval mystical elements, but his contemporary opponents were more concerned with traces of `enthusiasm.'" p. 54. Interestingly, Arndt could with some justification be called a Weigelian because one of the chapters in his Vom wahren Christenthum (section 34 of Book II) was seen to be from Valentin Weigel, when the latter's works were published in 1611. p. 54.
104For example, see Hans Denck's comment that, `For one who is not in God's household, the letter [i.e. Scripture] is of no use; one who is in his household knows how trustworthy the Lord is without the letter.' Hans Denck, Schriften, (Gutersloh, 1956), cited in Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, p. 27.
105Philip Jacob Spener, "On the Necessary and Useful Reading of the Holy Scriptures," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 72.
106Heyd, Michael. "The Reaction to Enthusiasm in the 17th Century: From Antistructure to Structure." Religion Vol. 15 p. 279, 280.
107Philip] Jacob Spener, "On Hindrances to Theological Studies," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 69.
108Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 86. This was the practice of flipping the pages of the Bible and blindly dropping one's thumb on a passage for guidance.
109Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 40.
110He also observes that most of the incidents involved women. Francke, he says, openly praised them. Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 91.
111Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 91.
112The authorship of the book is not certain. Some authorities attribute it to John Gerson. Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of Christianity Volume I: to A.D. 1500, (New York, Harper & Row, Publishers, 1975), p. 649.
113The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, F. L. Cross, ed., (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), p. 1373.
114James M. Clark, The Great German Mystics: Eckhard, Tauler, and Suso, (London: A. R. Mowbray & Co., 1949), p. 13.
115Meister Eckhard, "On Solitude and the Attainment of God" in The Library of Christian Classics, Vol. VII, Late Medieval Mysticism, Ray C. Petry ed., (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1957), pp. 200, 202. Compare this to Meister Eckhard, "About the Body of Our Lord, How Often One Should Partake of It, With What Devotion and in What Manner," in Late Medieval Mysticism, pp. 203-206.
116James M. Clark, The Great German Mystics, p. 39.
117Peter C. Erb, ed., Pietists: Selected Writings, preface by Heiko A. Oberman, p. xv.
117Johannes Tauler, Sermons, p. 46.
118Johannes Tauler, Sermons, p. 48.
119Johannes Tauler, Sermons, p. 49.
120Johannes Tauler, Sermons, p. 55.
121Johannes Tauler, Sermons, p. 59.
122The posting of the 95 theses occurred on October 31, 1517. Keller affirmed that Luther turned against the treatise by the early 1520's, calling it a source of Schwarmerei. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die alteren Reformparteien (liepzig, 1885) cited in Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, p. 16.
123Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, p. 15
124Index liborum prohibitorum Vatikan (Rome, 1948), p. 462.
125Cited in Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, p. 19.
126Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 93. This citation dates from 1516, before Luther's theology was well-developed. Spener omits any mention of Luther's later deprecation of German Theology. This sort of omission is what leads Deeter to cite with approval Grunberg's opinion that "Spener was not in agreement with Luther to nearly as large an extent as Spener thought." Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 71.
127Anon, "Theologia Germanica," in Late Medieval Mysticism, p. 351.
128Anon, "Theologia Germanica," in Late Medieval Mysticism, Ray C. Petry ed. pp. 327-351. This section is from p. 330.
129James M. Clark, The Great German Mystics, pp. 56,57.
130James M. Clark, The Great German Mystics, p. 59. Compare with Spener's resignation sermon, Philip Jacob Spener, "Resignation: Lord, if you will make me pure, Mt. 12:2," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 84. "resignation" for Spener seems to be exactly parallel to the notion of "surrender" so familiar to modern evangelicals, as well as late medieval mystics. The disturbing implication of passivity need not be a problem, because Spener qualifies himself completely.
131Henry Suso (c. 1295-1366) in The Library of Christian Classics, Vol. VII, Late Medieval Mysticism, pp. 252-258.
132Henry Suso (c. 1295-1366) in Late Medieval Mysticism, p. 61.
133Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th Centuries, (Boston: Beacon Press, 1914) p. 190, 201, 202, 204.
134Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th Centuries, p. 190, 201.
135Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 37, 43, 44.
136Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th Centuries, p. 204.
137Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th Centuries, p. 200.
138Dale R. Stoffer, "The Ecclesiology of Gottfried Arnold." in Brethren Life and Thought. Vol. 28, (Spring 1983) p. 137.
139Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th Centuries, p. 207.
140Theosophy is, "a system that claims to embrace the essential truth underlying all systems of Religion, science, and philosophy. . .teaching the existence of an omnipotent, infinite, eternal, and immutable principle transcending the power of human conception, and the identity of all souls. . ." Funk & Wagnalls Standard Dictionary of the English Language, International Edition, Vol. II, (New York, Funk & Wagnalls Company, 1959), p. 1302. Stated differently, "In nature mysticism the boundaries between the Self and Nature are obliterated; the Self blends with all natural objects within its vision." Wayne E. Oates, The Psychology of Religion (Waco TX: Word Books, Publisher, 1973) p. 112.
141Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 90.
142Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 94,95.
143Indeed, Deeter cites evidence that Spener had read "as much of Boehme as of other mystics whom he rejected outright." Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 46.
144With regard to ecclesiology, the anabaptist movement had many who argued in a similar vein.
145Ensign is the author who argues this case most strongly. Yet he is not entirely
convincing. The elements he mentions as belonging to Boehmism include;
"The Christian is to have no sect. . ." (19) This could also have come from an
idealistic reading of many passages in the Bible (Eph. 4:3ff). There are certainly many
modern theologians who have this view without reference to Boehme.
"Predestination to damnation was a blasphemous idea," (20) but Spener and many
others (such as the Quakers) thought the same thing.
"One must `put on Christ' and experience the `process' of the incarnation within
one's self," (20) but it is sometimes a fine line between this language and Pauline
notions of identification with Christ (II Cor. 4:7-18). The process idea is also typical
of other German mystics. Lordship theology was typical of all pietists.
"Sophia mysticism," Ensign admits is "a variation on the typical medieval
love-phantasy theme, based on the Song of Solomon." (20,21) Indeed this theme was
very common in the medieval period, as well as after the reformation (see "Other
Arndtians" below). Besides, Ensign admits, "some [radical pietists] abstained
from either of these sentimental cults," (21).
"Celibacy as a spiritually more desirable state than marriage," (21) but this
was hardly new with Boehme. One need never have heard of Boehme to have this view, which
had dominated the middle ages, and is clearly evident in the earliest monastic writers.
"Religion should not be controlled in any way by the state," (21) but this was
the automatic cry of all those who were being persecuted by the state for Religion.
Finally, Ensign not only admits, "Other origins may be found for many, if not most,
of these ideas. . .Boehme himself was a part of the mystical-spiritualist tradition."
p. 21, but also "They [the radical pietists] did not consider themselves Boehmists as
such in most instances," and "Writers presenting Boehme's ideas rarely
acknowledged their dependence on him." p. 21.
One must ask at this point whether sufficient value is left of the theory when it is so
qualified that virtually nothing remains? Unless there is other material that was not
produced, this author remains unconvinced that Boehme is the main source of the radical's
theology.
This is not to say that he was not an influence at all. We know that Gichtel was a
Boehmist. He said, ". . .I must acknowledge that [Boehme's] writings gave been to me
of more service for the understanding of the Bible than all my University learning."
cited in Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th Centuries, p. 153. And
we can place Gichtel in direct influence of Gottfried Arnold, and probably Hochman.
However, does this mean that Arnold's teachings are simply Boehmist? The fact must be
reckoned with that virtually all of these ideas were rife in the intellectual climate of
Germany at this time, leading this author to feel that Ensign is over-simplifying the
issue. Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 21.
It should be noted that Stoeffler also mentions, ". . .the mystical wing of the Pietistic movement which had a tendency to shade off into Boehmist and Gichtelian theosophy." Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 10. Stoffer includes Boehme as one among several strains. Dale R. Stoffer, "The Ecclesiology of Gottfried Arnold." in Brethren Life and Thought. Vol. 28, (Spring 1983) pp. 144, 148.
146Sebastian Franck ranks the Theologia Deutsch just above Thomas a Kempis and Johannes Tauler, and just possibly below the Bible. Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, p. 27. For an excellent short coverage of the life and thought of Hans Denck (c.1495-1527) and Sebastian Franck (1499-1542) see pp. 116-167. For a clear but favorably biased treatment see Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th Centuries, pp. 17-30; 46-63.
147Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th Centuries, p. 134-139.
148See above p. 38, Note #103.
149The New Shaff-Herzog Religious Encyclopedia, Vol. IV p. 391.
150William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 391.
151Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 169.
152For instance, they were in Krefeld by 1676, which later played an important role in the radical Pietistic movement. Stoeffler also points out that some Labadist nuclei, "succumbed to some jumping, embracing, and kissing in order to give vent to their most ecstatic emotions." Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 168.
153Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 229.
154Goeters Goebel and K. D. Smidt argue that Labadie was an important influence, Heppe, Ritschl, Aland and Grunberg argue that he was not. Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 85.
155See these arguments explained and documented in Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction pp. 260-264.
156Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction pp. 260-262.
157Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 65.
158Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 66. He liked, according to Deeter, Barclay's works, and several individual Quakers whom he came to know. p. 82 note 1.
159Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 66.
160Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p.
161Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 213,214.
162Some of the titles are Wessel's Sancta Amatora, Spiritual Loving Thoughts of Such as have Fallen in Love with their Savior Alone, Hyller's Jesus my Love Crucified, and Quirsfeld's The Beautiful, Heavenly, Royal Bride Chamber. Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 214. Stoeffler seems attracted neither to this application nor to the evangelistic direction that Francke went with the Pietistic ideas. Instead, he prefers a somewhat legalistic inner holiness application. See his comments on John Gerhard, and Lutkemann pp. 219-221.
163See the position effectively refuted in Pius Melia, The Origin, Persecutions, and Doctrines of the Waldenses, (London: James Toovery, 1870), pp. 1-60.
164Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 20.
165Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 10.
166"That legalism quickly became and always remained the greatest temptation of Pietists, should be acknowledged." Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 22.
167Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 35.
168Cited in Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, p. 16.
169Heyd, Michael. "The Reaction to Enthusiasm in the 17th Century: From Antistructure to Structure." Religion Vol. 15 p. 283.
170"Specifically not only should every christian continue to pray, give thanks, do good deeds, give alms, and sacrifice himself and what he has, but also he should study diligently the Word of God to teach others. . ." Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 73.
171Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, pp. 21,22
172Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 62.
173Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 58. Brown goes further, pointing out that in spite of their alleged agreement with the Lutheran definition of the church, Pietism tended to shift its stress from the visible to the invisible church. Although, as we have seen, Spener spoke of the Lutheran church as the true church, he did "approach a spiritualistic view of the church in his distinction between true heart Religion and Lutheran formalism, as did Francke in his differentiation between the converted and unconverted. p. 46.
174Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 46.
175Anon, "Theologia Germanica," in Late Medieval Mysticism, p. 336.
176Stoeffler adds, "The difficulty here is that Luther by insisting on salvation sola fide and, at the same time, on a rigidly objective interpretation of baptism bequeathed to posterity what comes close to a logical contradiction. The attempt to deal with this contradiction has perennially exercised and often agitated the minds of Lutheran theologians." Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 208.
177Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 48.
178"The Calvinistic doctrine of predestination, especially as it was framed at the Synod of Dort (1618), was attacked by him as a `horrible teaching.'" Theodore G. Tappert, "Introduction to Pia Desideria", p. 26.
179Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 49,50.
180Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, pp. 51,52.
181Theodore G. Tappert, "Introduction to Pia Desideria", p. 19. Ensign disagrees. He claims that the collegia were not as important to Spener's thinking as historians claim. However, no evidence is given. Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 82.
182Ensign says that even before the Pia Desideria was published, the collegia were very popular and "they were subjected to vicious attacks." Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 82.
183According to Gonzalez, the persecution of the anabaptists involved more fatalities in 50 years than the entire persecution of the early church during the two centuries before Constantine. Yet, while the early persecution of the church is known to everyone, this persecution of the Anabaptists, carried out by both Protestants and Catholics, is virtually unknown to laymen today. Justo L. Gonzalez, The Story of Christianity Vol.2, (San Francisco: Harper & Row Publishers, 1984) p. 56.
184Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, Ozment Jeffrey B. Russell ed., Religious Dissent in the Middle Ages, Edward Peters, Heresy and Authority in Medieval Europe, Heiko Augustinus Oberman, Forerunners of the Reformation, (New York, Holt Rinehart and Winston, 1966), Giorgio Tourn, The Waldensians, Justo L. Gonzalez, The History of Christianity, Vol. 1, and Rufus M. Jones, Spiritual Reformers in the 16th and 17th Centuries, all detail scores of dissident movements that were afoot before and after the reformation outside of the established churches.
185"The call had sounded forth, and all over Lutheran Germany those discontented with the state of the church began forming themselves behind Spener." Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 85,86.
186Edward Peters, Heresy and Authority in Medieval Europe, p. 10.
187Theodore G. Tappert, "Introduction to Pia Desideria", p. 23
188Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 60. Spener explains how these meetings operated, "I either repeated in summary fashion the sermon held the previous Sunday or repeated from the New Testament a few verses. . .and then the men present discussed these things without contention or disquiet. . . All the people had free access to these exercises, often as many as the place would hold, nevertheless the women were separated from the men so that the latter could not see them. The subject was at all times the text at hand... Until 1682 the exercises were established in this way in my house but on advice of the city council and a special conference called by the rulers they were moved to the church, although to be truthful, not without detriment. . ." From Spener's Selbstbiographie, (Autobiography), cited in Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 61.
189The leader of the faction that began to skip communion and church was Spener's own friend Johann Jakob Schutz. Spener tried to talk them into returning, while keeping the division quiet, but he was unable. Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 82.
190Allen C. Deeter, An Historical and Theological Introduction p. 150, 151.
191G. Thomas Halbrooks ed. Pietism, (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1981), p. 154.
192He continued to view this experience as normative. As Willoghby affirms, ""Franke put much emphasis on `conversion.' He considered it the normal way of salvation. Franke believed that conversion included a conviction of sin and a dating of the experience at a precise moment." William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 88.
193Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 98.
194G. Thomas Halbrooks ed. Pietism, p. 155.
195"The Halle school admired the early church's alleged moral level, but considered [the juristic formlessness of the Apostolic church] to be the exception rather than the rule." Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 103.
196M. A. Noll "Pietism" in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology. Elwell, Walter A. ed. p. 857.
197Glover, R.H., The Progress of World Missions, 1924, p. 74, cited in Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 4. So too, Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 100.
198Philip Jacob Spener, "The Spiritual Priesthood," in Peter C. Erb, ed. Pietists: Selected Writings, p. 53. Stoeffler thinks that the missionary zeal of the Pietists was related to their idealism. "Related to this religious idealism of the Pietist was also his profound interest in the evangelistic and missionary outreach, which had been largely left out of account by other representatives of the major communions during the seventeenth century."
199Philip Jacob Spener, Pia Desideria, Allen C. Deeter, trans. Bk. II p. 54. Spener believed that the Jews would eventually become Christians, based on Rom. 11. This is significant because it shows that he rejected the view that the church had supplanted Israel entirely with regard to the Abrahamic covenant.
200M. A. Noll "Pietism" in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology. Elwell, Walter A. ed. p. 857.
201Colin A. Grant, "Europe's Moravians: A pioneer Missionary Church," in Perspectives on the World Christian Movement: A Reader, Ralph D. Winter ed. (Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1981), p. 206.
202Colin A. Grant, "Europe's Moravians," in Perspectives on the World Christian Movement: A Reader, p. 206, 207.
203John Wesley, The Heart of John Wesley's Journal, (New Canaan, Conn: Keats Publishing Co., 1979) p. 45.
204Theodore G. Tappert, "Introduction to Pia Desideria", p. 19.
205Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 39.
206"These were the catechisms and creeds established by the theologians of the sixteenth century." Donald F. Durnmaugh, The European Origins of the Brethren, p. 28.
207Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 89, 90.
208"In the preface to a collection of works by Thomas a Kempis which Arnold edited in 1712, he does indicate that Spener had an indirect connection to his Wittemberg awakening." Dale R. Stoffer, "The Ecclesiology of Gottfried Arnold." in Brethren Life and Thought. Vol. 28, (Spring 1983) p. 139.
209Ensign says, "several ecstatic women were active in the town. One, Anna Eva Jacob, sweated blood. Another was in Sprogel's household. . .the leader of the separatist party. . .to which Arnold soon attached himself." Chauncey David Ensign, Radical German Pietism (c.1675 -- 1760), p. 125.
210Dale R. Stoffer, "The Life and Thought of Gottfried Arnold," in Brethren Life and Thought. Vol. 26, No. 3 p. 97.
211Dale R. Stoffer, "The Life and Thought of Gottfried Arnold," in Brethren Life and Thought. Vol. 26, No. 3 p. 97. Note that there is a provable quietistic influence in Arnold at about this time.
212Dale R. Stoffer, "The Life and Thought of Gottfried Arnold," in Brethren Life and Thought. Vol. 26, No. 3 p. 98.
213Dale R. Stoffer, "The Ecclesiology of Gottfried Arnold." in Brethren Life and Thought. Vol. 28, (Spring 1983) p. 135.
214Dale R. Stoffer, "The Life and Thought of Gottfried Arnold," in Brethren Life and Thought. Vol. 26, No. 3 p. 98.
215William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 25.
216William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 32.
217William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 96.
218William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 105.
219Renkewitz, ECH, 202 quoted in William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 98.
220Donald F. Durnmaugh, The European Origins of the Brethren, (Elgin, IL: The Brethren Press, 1958), p. 48-51.
221Donald F. Durnmaugh, The European Origins of the Brethren, p. 127.
222Donald F. Durnmaugh, The European Origins of the Brethren, p. 127.
223Donald F. Durnmaugh, The European Origins of the Brethren, p. 173
224William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 21.
225See Homer A. Kent, Sr. 250 Years. . . Conquering Frontiers: A History of the Brethren Church, (Winona Lake, IN: The Brethren Missionary Herald Company, 1958) p. 13
226William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 24.
227Donald F. Durnmaugh, The European Origins of the Brethren, p. 343.
228Other distinctives of their church ritual included "pedolavivm" (foot washing) "the greeting" (kissing each other on the cheek when meeting) and the celebration of the Lord's supper as a dinner. See Donald F. Durnmaugh, The European Origins of the Brethren, p. and William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 33, 34.
229William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 100. Later, after years of separation, when Mack crossed paths with Hochman around 1710 in Switzerland, Mack called him a hypocrite and an Irrgeist (errant Spirit) William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 101.
230William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 41.
231The other name for Brethren was "Dompelars," or "Dumplers" which the current author could not find an explanation for.
232Mack Jr., Introduction to Rechte und Ordnungen, p. 21 trans. Cited in William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 83.
233William George Willoghby, The Beliefs of the Early Brethren, p. 41, 42, 50, footnote #2.
234They should not be confused with the Evangelical United Brethren, or the Plymouth Brethren.
235Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, pp. 1-5.
236M. A. Noll "Pietism" in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology. Elwell, Walter A. ed. p. 858.
237Dale Brown, Understanding Pietism, p. 42.
238M. A. Noll "Pietism" in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology. Elwell, Walter A. ed. p. 857, 858. Noll thinks that Pietism was "in one sense the Christian answer to. . .`the discovery of the individual' by providing a Christian form to the individualism and practical-mindedness of a Europe in transition to modern times. . .Both the Enlightenment and Pietism asserted the rights of individuals, opposed the protestant hierarchy, and were concerned about practice more than theory. The question remains as to whether Pietism paved the way for a similar secular expression of these themes." p. 858. This observation deserves consideration, but may be superficial. The points of contact could be coincidental, and do not necessarily stem from the same basis. On the other hand, once individualism took root, it would not be impossible for it to become a habit, even though the reason changes.
239These include Karl Barth, Ernst Troeltsch, Paul Tillich, Rienhold Niebuhr, and Emil Brunner. All argue that Pietism tended to lead to individualistic subjectivism, and lack of concern for social conditions because the inner life was focused on exclusive of the outer life. See Ernst Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, p. 1.
240M. A. Noll "Pietism" in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology. Elwell, Walter A. ed. p. 858.
241Heyd, Michael. "The Reaction to Enthusiasm in the 17th Century: From Antistructure to Structure." Religion Vol. 15 p. 282.
242Heyd, Michael. "The Reaction to Enthusiasm in the 17th Century: From Antistructure to Structure." Religion Vol. 15 p. 281, 282-83.
243This was also a regular result of Anabaptist ecclesiology as well.
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