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All of these similarities between magical motifs and objectified religion fit in quite well with a new direction in religious historical theory that is gaining attention today. As Brow describes it,
"Led by Wilhelm Schmidt of Vienna, anthropologists have shown that the religion of the hundreds of isolated tribes in the world today is not primitive in the sense of being original. The tribes have a memory of a "high god", a benign creator-father-god, who is no longer worshiped because he is not feared. Instead of offering sacrifice to him, they concern themselves with the pressing problems of how to appease the vicious spirits of the jungle. The threats of the medicine man are more strident than the still, small voice of the father-god."35
Following this original concept, these scholars see a gradual takeover of religious life in this culture by a caste of self-serving priests. These professional religionists use conceptions that were somewhat germane to human inclinations in general to gain influence and eventually complete control of the religious life (and sometimes the political life) of the society.36
Scholars writing from this perspective have not generally focused on the method of priestly takeover, but rather on the fact of it. Yet, one thing that is regularly cited in demonstration of the fact of priestly takeover and corruption is the objectification of the given religion. This in turn is seen as a link to magical motifs.37
We have already seen the deep affinity that mankind the world over has for systems that provide for containment, regularization and control of the sacred. As Budge points out,
"Men have always craved for amulets and the priests, both Pagans and Christians, should have taken steps to satisfy this craving. In this way they could have more or less controlled the use of amulets of every kind."38
It seems that Budge has missed the point here. Priests have "taken measures" to satisfy the craving for amulets, to control their use, and even to better the protection offered by conventional amulets. The struggle between priests and magicians has usually been one between the right or wrong amulets, not between amulets and no amulets. Budge himself admits that the formalized religions of the world retained the use of magic and amulets.39 He also demonstrates that Christianity has been no different than other religions in this area.40
The final phase of development, according to the corruption theorists, is a revolt by a new religious group against the control of the priests. Brow states,"In the sixth century BC there was a tidal wave of revolt against the priestcraft of the ancient world. This wave shattered the power of the old religions, though their cults continued to exist as backwaters for centuries. Seven world religions appeared within fifty years of each other and all continue to this day: Zoroastrianism, Judaism,(sic) Buddhism, Jainism, Confucianism, Vedanta Monism, Taoism."41
Yet, even these revolutionary religions, it is held, are eventually taken over by a priesthood using cultus and magical elements to secure power for themselves.
Another interesting approach to the task of understanding objectification, particularly in the area of the use of ritual and sacred space, is the cognitive restructuring theory advanced by Dr. Anthony Wallis.
Wallis holds that the role of sacred space is to be found in two distinct steps found in the ritualism of all religions.42 According to Wallis, the goal of ritualism is the restructuring of the mind through the use of stimuli and suggestion, resulting in a new "cognitive synthesis." There are five steps involved in the process of cognitive restructuring:
This sense is further enhanced by other elements common to objectification such as incense, unusual clerical robes, monotonous bodily gestures, and the almost universal use of highly repetitive sayings, or chanting.
Not only this, but we find the role of sacred objects and magic play an important role, according to Wallis, in the maintenance of the restructured mental outlook. This is an interesting interpretation, suggesting that "portable sacred space" can be taken with the worshipper to prolong the effects.
This analysis, which is not flattering to the ritualistic mentality, has the advantage of being applicable to most, if not all ritual practice. It also accounts in a plausible way for many of the hard to explain features that are so common to religious practice the world over.46
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